Pete Wilson Article - English 163 Techniques of Reading - English Learning Center

Pete Wilson: A Republican for the 1990s and the Roller Coaster Rid to Conservatism

As the 1990s dawned, California was in a precarious position. A growing conservatism, heightened by an economic downturn, and strong reactions against Asian immigrants and illegal aliens caused the Golden State to begin a roller coaster ride toward conservatism. The political mood was one which demanded government cuts in welfare spending. The result was the passage of Proposition 187 in 1994 by California voters. This measure was aimed at restricting the rights of illegal aliens by denying them state services. Once again, ethnic politics dominated the mainstream of the Golden State. The primary reason for the rise of conflict in California was the economy, the drop in property values and uneven Silicon Valley business prosperity.

When California went into the worst economic decline since the Great Depression, the result was that the Republican Party received ready made voter approval to cut educational and welfare spending. Simultaneously, federal spending cuts further hurt the state. By 1994, San Francisco's Presidio was closed and other California military bases and national parks were threatened with closure or a reduced role because of a lack of federal funds. San Francisco Mayor Frank Jordan was inept and offered little hope for saving the high level of employment in the federal sector.

Finally, a city politician emerged to challenge the federal cuts. In the House of Representatives San Francisco Democrat Nancy Pelosi fought for federal funds to keep the Presidio open. She was appointed to the House Appropriations Committee and this committee was responsible for funding the Presidio as a national park. Almost single handily Representative Pelosi kept the Presidio open by helping to secure legislation making it a national park. She also fought attempts to sell Presidio land to private developers. For a time, this controversy obscured the ugly confrontation over illegal immigrants. But the issue soon resurfaced.

Proposition 187 became the focal point of the divisive politics of the early 1990s. California voters had passed the Proposition to deny public education, non-emergency health care and social service benefits to illegal immigrants. Governor Pete Wilson was a strong supporter of the initiative, claiming that California spent more than two billion dollars per year providing public support for illegal aliens.

Politicians with an eye for reelection were aware that Proposition 187 had passed 59% to 41%. As a result, in subsequent elections most candidates supported restricting aid to illegals. The opponents of Proposition 187 argued that it violated the basic laws of human nature as well as the United States Constitution. The constitutionality of Proposition 187 was questioned because it seemed to violate the 14th amendment of the U. S. Constitution which forbids any state from denying any person "equal protection of the law." If the courts found that Proposition 187 was illegal, the state would have to fund benefits for illegal immigrants. Governor Wilson argued that if President Bill Clinton wanted illegals to have government services, the Federal Govern- ment should provide the funding.

Public opinion polls indicated widespread support to cut off health benefits and public education to illegal immigrants. This attitude was used by Governor Wilson to blame California's problems upon illegal immigrants. Critics of immigration contended that newly arrived immigrants were likely to be heavy users of state services and, as a result, a burden to Californians financially. Supporters of Proposition 187 pointed out that foreign households received 32% of all public cash assistance. This argument was countered by a Claremont Graduate School study which argued that illegal immigrants paid more to California in taxes than they cost in govern- ment services. However, Californians remained divided on the illegal immigration issue.

The reaction against illegals brought a strong defense of seasonal labor from small agricultural communities. In Lamont, California, a small town in the San Joaquin Valley, almost 25% of the population consisted of illegal farm workers. They had been welcomed to Lamont for half a century and by 1990 were paid $4.25 an hour to pick grapes, carrots and lettuce.

Lamont celebrated a "Weekend of Diversity" each year to commemorate the role of farm workers. The passage of Proposition 187 and resulting controversy over illegals prompted Juan Rivera, President of Lamont's Chamber of Commerce, to remark: "When we were prospering we closed our eyes to illegal immigration. He continued by suggesting that tough times necessitated stronger border controls, but he believed that there was a double standard working against illegal immigrants.

The day after Proposition 187 was passed eight law suits were filed in state and federal courts to prevent its implementation. A San Francisco superior court judge ruled that the measure could not be enacted. A similar order was granted to public colleges and universities, which allowed the community college and state university systems to provide aid to students regardless of their resident status. The future of immigrants continued to be a mainstream political issue. As Governor Wilson suggested: "3.4 million illegals requiring state services placed California on the verge of bankruptcy."

Governor Pete Wilson: The Background and Rise of a Conservative Republican

By 1990 the Republican Party had a new and controversial leader, Governor Pete Wilson. He began his political career in the 1960s in the California Assembly. Who was Pete Wilson? He was the forerunner of a growing California conservatism. In examining Wilson's back- ground, he was typical of the post World War 11 American who migrated to the Golden State.

He was born in an upper middle class, Midwestern home in 1933. His mother always referred to him as the favored son. An older brother, James, was something of a trouble maker and "Petey," as his mother called him, was groomed for success. He not only attended private schools but was always the best dressed kid.

As he grew up in a lush suburb near St. Louis, Missouri, in a family with traditional values, Wilson developed the ingrained conservatism of the self-made aristocrat. His father, a well- paid advertising executive, sent his son to the most prestigious universities. Wilson attended Yale, and he was so intent upon pleasing his father he even joined his dad's former fraternity. At Yale, Wilson was an English major who friends described as "a library grind."

His only extracurricular activity at Yale was a three year ROTC commitment to the U.S. Marines. Young Pete desperately hoped to become a lawyer. In preparation for a legal career, he took the Law School Aptitude Test twice to achieve the highest possible score. Eventually, he was admitted to both Harvard and the University of California Boalt Law Schools. Wilson selected Boalt Hall because he hoped to live in the Golden State. Wilson was a top flight law student who possessed excellent grades, but his classmates remember him talking incessantly about using the law to protect "American values."

Yet, for all his rhetoric, Wilson hated law school. The courses were tedious, and he blanched at the mock law court arguments. When he graduated, Wilson found it difficult to study for the bar exam. He flunked the bar three times, before he passed, and he demonstrated little interest in any specific field of law. When he finally passed the bar, Wilson was a mediocre lawyer. He simply didn't have a passion for law. It appeared that Wilson went to law school for no other reason than to become a politician.

As a young man, Wilson was a fierce defender of establishment values. He also identified with policies and politics of tough minded Republicans. It was only natural that California's Richard Nixon was his earliest political influence. When Nixon ran for the House of Representatives an adolescent Pete Wilson kept a scrapbook on the campaign.

Many of Wilson's colleagues and friends urged him to forgo a political career, because as a young man, Wilson kept to himself and was devoid of personal charisma. They reasoned that his personality wasn't well suited to the political arena. He had a mid-westem monotone to his speech and a harsh, unfriendly look. His clenched jaw suggested a rigid personality. In his Brooks Brothers suit with his carefully styled hair, Wilson looked like a liberal. But his politics were those of the white, middle class with a reactionary viewpoint. He was also much too close to his family. His father, Jaynes Boone Wilson, Sr., as late as 1995 at the age of ninety three, was still giving Governor Wilson advice. His father's primary message was to keep immigration from destroying the California dream. The negative aspects of Wilson's personality turned out to be a plus in the local political climate because he seemed to be protecting the California dream.

In his personal life, Wilson had limited experiences with fatherhood. He has been married twice to women with children from previous marriages. He spent little time with his stepchildren and on the campaign trail few people realized that he had a family. Politics dominated Wilson's life and he had little time for outside activity. His focus was the California Dream. This was a vision of the Golden State which drove Wilson's political career to exclude minorities, illegal aliens and those who did not fit into his pattern of upwardly mobile citizens.

This obsession with illegals can be traced to Wilson's family moving to southern California. When Wilson arrived in the Golden State, shortly after the conclusion of World War 11, there was a booming economy and a strong feeling for progress. When illegal immigrants, foreign business interests and ethnic minorities began changing the nature of California history, Wilson became a strong critic of California's multicultural direction.

The roots of Wilson's anti-immigrant politics were formed during his earliest years in California politics. When he left the U.S. Marine Corps, Wilson went to work as an advance man for Richard Nixon during his ill-fated 1962 gubernatorial campaign. While working for Nixon, Wilson began looking for a community which reflected his political values. It was Nixon's political mentor, Herb Klein, an ardent right wing conservative, who urged Wilson to move to San Diego where he quickly established a solid political base. Klein was the editor of the San Diego Union, and not surprisingly the newspaper I endorsed Wilson as a promising politician.

In 1964, Wilson was a strong supporter of Arizona Republican Senator Barry Goldwater. The Goldwater for President campaign brought Wilson to San Francisco's Cow Palace for the Republican National Convention and he hobnobbed with party big wigs. Soon Wilson was a favorite of the right wing faction of the Republican establishment. Wilson let everyone know that he was a businessman's Republican. He was tough on fiscal issues, staunchly anti-union and ardently anti-tax. This political package brought him widespread support, and he was urged to run for public office.

In 1966, Wilson ran for the California Assembly and easily won a seat representing San Diego. He became the chairperson of the Committee on Urban Affairs. The problems of the city were ones that Wilson had many solutions for and he became known as a city reformer. The next step was to become the mayor of a major California city.

In 1971, Wilson was elected San Diego Mayor with the Nixon White House supporting his candidacy. Few people took him seriously when he talked of becoming governor, United States Senator or President. To his close friends Wilson described himself as an executive and not as a politician.

By 1982, Wilson won a seat in the United States Senate. As a U.S. Senator, he was ineffective. He was not as ease making political deals. Wilson found it difficult to compromise his viewpoints. For six years he was visibly uneasy with his colleagues. He also displayed little interest in his constituents and his record of absenteeism was amongst the highest in the U.S. Senate. He had one of the lowest ratings of any senator in California history.

He was also perpetually in the shadow of his Democratic colleague Senator Alan Cranston. On occasion when Wilson appeared on NBC's Meet The Press, he displayed little knowledge of national affairs. But he continued to display an obsession with illegals. President Ronald Reagan labeled Wilson a politician with "a limited vision," but the President recognized Wilson's views were popular among Californians.

Senator Wilson envisioned conspiracies everywhere in the Golden State. Feminists, gays, illegal immigrants, welfare cheaters, legal immigrants, labor radicals and liberals were all at one time or another a target for Wilson's venomous barbs. However, Wilson didn't look or act like a fanatic. He had a choir boy demeanor which hid a vicious right wing conservatism. His calm, relaxed personality caused him to come across very well on television. He had the looks and talked like the average suburban Californian. Equally important, he appealed to the demagogic prejudices of the white, middle class voter. At no time in California history was the state more divided along racial lines than during Wilson's political career.

What made Wilson an extremely successful politician was a group of advisers who began working for him in the 1960s and were still on the payroll in the late 1990s. His advisers had a peculiar vision of California politics. It was one which envisioned the need to control the forces of change and this led to conflicts with liberals, feminists, the gay community, labor unionists, the media and various ethnic communities, especially the African American and Mexican American political organizations. The end result was that these interest groups often labeled Governor Wilson a racist.

Wilson's advisers included Chief of Staff Bob White who never married nor seemed to have a life outside of Republican politics. Otto Bos, an ex-newspaperman, who helped to mold Wilson's political image through public opinion polls. It was Bos who concentrated upon southern California's conservative, Republican areas to produce flattering poll results. The most significant political brain was George Gorton, because he had a sense of the key electoral issues. It was Gorton who convinced Wilson that the illegal immigrant issue and excessive government spending were the key to attracting voters. Few politicians have had the dedicated and loyal staff that brought Pete Wilson victories in major elections. As Wilson prepared to ascend to the Governor's Office, a newspaperman remarked that "the Pete and Willie act would be a strange one for Californians in the last decade of the twentieth century." This reference to the differences between Governor Wilson and Speaker Brown suggested the degree of hostility between them

The Pete and Willie Act in the 1990s: California Politics in the Age of Reaction

Wilson's political nemesis, Assemblyman Willie Brown, supported Dianne Feinstein in the gubernatorial race. With unusual candor, Brown suggested that Wilson's emphasis on race, crime and excessive welfare spending was due to his conservative, anti-ethnic attitudes. Or perhaps, as Brown suggested, there was a subtle racism.

Despite Brown's opposition, Wilson remained the perfect California politician. He dressed and looked like a liberal, and he had the political message of a right wing moderate. Wilson was in favor of welfare reform and demanded that the Federal Government help finance the illegal alien problem. He decried the new immigration for changing the balance of California society.

Although Wilson and Brown had a political relationship which went back to 1966, they never liked one another. When Wilson represented San Diego in the Assembly, Brown was often critical of his urban planning ideas. Wilson retaliated by preventing Brown's rise to power in the Assembly. In 1969, when Wilson was assigned to head the new and prestigious Assembly Urban Affairs and Housing Committee, Brown was appointed to govem over Wilson's objections. Wilson ignored Brown's impute and they clashed frequently in committee meetings. The NAACP responded by suggesting that Wilson needed a "racial adjustment."

But Wilson also had his defenders. In San Diego, a California Police Officers Association Conference gave Governor Wilson a rousing hand. His speech on the problems in California society received thunderous applause. In a reception after the speech, one police administrator remarked that Wilson came across much better in person. "He was a genuine and sincere person," a police chief from northern California remarked. Most people were favorably impressed with Wilson after meeting him. The media presented a picture of Governor Wilson that was quite different from the one suggested by those who had interacted with him.

San Francisco Democratic Assemblyman John Burton remarked that "Wilson had some kind of goddamned arrogance." For years, Burton pointed out, Wilson was dangerous to the state and he urged the Democratic Party to elect a forceful speaker. Everyone knew what Bur- ton was up to; he was promoting his good friend Willie Brown for the Speakership. In 1980, when Brown was elected Assembly Speaker, Burton's support was a key reason for Brown's rise to power.

The decade that Willie Brown spent as Assembly Speaker did little to slow Wilson's rise to political prominence. What is important about the Brown-Wilson political tiff is that it was in the grand tradition of California politics. Since 1850 the liberal-conservative split in the Golden State had guided local politicians. Brown represented the progressive liberals who favored welfare spending, increased educational opportunity and affirmative action, while Wilson was the voice that controlled spending, low taxes and reduced welfare. It was a classic political stand off typical of California.

During the January 1991 inauguration, Governor Wilson brought Speaker Brown to center stage. A private celebration was held where Wilson acknowledged Brown's power in the As- Assembly and offered a truce. It was a sincere gesture but one that Brown could not accept.

As legislative business began in early 1991, there was bad blood once again between Wilson and Brown. Because Governor George Deukmejian had spent eight years sharing power with the Speaker, they had worked out a harmonious relationship. This was not to be the case between Wilson and Brown.

As Wilson was inaugurated the California economy was in a state of decline. Not only were state revenues down but Silicon Valley businesses were fleeing to the Sun Belt cities. Declining business revenues and reduced taxes led to decreased government spending. Unfortunately, the $7.7 billion dollar budget in 1991-1992 was the largest in state history, but Wilson was having trouble convincing a Republican legislature to support it. His program was one of cutting government services and subtle tax increases.

Republicans were opposed to any tax increases. The economy was hampered by reductions in federal spending. The federal budget for military bases and the defense industry had been reduced each year since Reagan's presidency began. Democratic President Bill Clinton continued this trend. In 1992 the California Legislature needed $10.7 billion dollars to balance a $57 billion budget.

The problem with the California budget was that state law automatically locked money into a prearranged spending schedule. Half of the budget goes to schools because of Proposition 98. This ballot measure approved by the voters and backed by the California Teachers Association gave schools a defined level of financial support. As a result, education took up 50% of the state budget and another 33% was mandated for health and welfare services. The governor and the legislature, due to the changes in the law, had little room to make spending cuts.

So Governor Wilson proposed a $2.6 billion cut for the schools. The California Teachers Association turned on him with a vengeance. CTA pointed out that the cost of living increases for educators legged far behind private industry. Governor Wilson ignored these comments.

Willie Brown entered the fray by taking the teachers' side. The budget was delayed. Governor Wilson and Speaker Brown continually told the press that their differences were not personal but political while California operated without a budget and teetered on the brink of bankruptcy.

Then Governor Wilson made a serious political mistake when he proposed to cut the bud- get for kindergarten education. The CTA once again marshaled its vast resources and organized a large group of five-year-olds with sad eyes to show up at Wilson's Capitol office and protest the proposed kindergarten cuts. The press had a field day with this issue, and it caused Wilson's popularity to plummet.

After a sixty-four-day budget impasse, Governor Wilson backed down and dropped his suggested school cuts. The budget was passed with a number of compromises. As the 1992 general election approached, a shift in voter attitudes took place.

Surprisingly, the November 1992 election continued the Democratic majority in the California Legislature. As a result Brown's power increased in the eighty seat Assembly. Speaker Brown was now free to pursue his own agenda. However, Brown's power was illusionary. The declining economy, the passage of term limits and the growing hostility over illegal immigrants did not bode well for the Democratic Party.

Before he left the California Assembly, Brown did complete his program for California. He created a workable Affirmative Action program; he pushed through legislation benefiting labor unions; he supported bills guaranteeing women and minorities a share of state government contracts and he was a tireless worker for civil rights. These issues were not popular ones, but Brown was committed to making them a part of the California dream.

In April 1993, Willie Brown celebrated his fifty-ninth birthday in the splendor of the Fairmont Hotel ballroom. This famous old hotel was a symbol of San Francisco's old money. Although Brown was still Speaker of the Assembly, his career would soon head back to San Francisco politics.

As Ray Charles sang "America The Beautiful," Brown looked over a group of guests who had paid $10,000 to celebrate his birthday. It was a pleasing moment, and Speaker Brown was still at the top of his power. However, he was already making plans to become San Francisco's Mayor.

The Fall of Speaker Brown and the Emergence of Mayor Brown: Back to the Source of Power

In the early 1990s, the term limit law was approved by voters. Brown was California's most powerful legislative politician, but he was no longer eligible to run for the Assembly. When the Democratic Party failed to overturn the term limit law, Brown had to leave the Assembly.

Sacramento newspaper columnists and politicians speculated on Brown's future. There was a rumor that he would run for the Chair of the California Democratic Party. His close friends urged him to seek a United States Senate seat. This was impossible as the 1992 election brought two Democratic Senators, Dianne Feinstein and Barbara Boxer to Washington. But Boxer had been elected to fill the remainder of Senator Alan Cranston's term, and she would have to stand for reelection in 1994. Brown could not bring himself to challenge Boxer, and he turned down overtures to run for the U.S. Senate.

In March 1994, Brown turned sixty and was feted in a series of birthday parties. His health was excellent; he was thin and never drank more than half a glass of wine with dinner. Brown's energy was that of a man half his age. At the pinnacle of his political career, Brown still had a great deal left to accomplish in California politics.

In his last few years in the Assembly, Brown lived through one of the most reactionary periods in California history. The Republican Party, under the national leadership of Newt Gingrich had a "Contract With America" which not only put them in control of Congress but they dominated conservative California politics. Brown was determined to stand up to this onslaught. The new Republicans were a reactionary group prone to demagogic name calling.

The worst demagogue was Santa Barbara Republican Michael Huffington. He spent $29 million of his own money in a losing U.S. Senate race against Dianne Feinstein, and he continually criticized welfare cheaters and those who abused the law. Huffington called for a law and order oriented California. The product of hereditary wealth, there was a demeaning attitude in Huffington's politics which caused California voters to reject him. Huffington's wife, a best selling author and an amateur psychic, led the charge for her husband. She held teas and fund raisers which pandered to right wing Republicans who believed that the Golden State was in decline. Wisely, California voters retired the Santa Barbara Republican. But Huffington did represent the conservatism taking over one segment of California politics.

There were many Republicans who couldn't wait to replace Brown as Assembly Speaker. Jim Brulte was a young Republican who quickly challenged Brown's power. He was a second term Republican Assemblyman and a seasoned politician. Brulte had been part of the campaign organization which elected U.S. Senator S.I. Hayakawa, and he was an advance man for President George Bush. The hopes for a new Republican majority finally materialized in the 1994 election. The Democratic Party lost eight Assembly seats as voters turned out incumbents. Some of these Democratic candidates who lost did so by just several hundred votes in predominantly Democratic districts. Voter discontent was high. When the smoke cleared the Republican Party had a 41 to 39 majority in the Assembly.

Brulte ordered champagne and held a press conference predicting the end of Brown's power. When Brulte urged Brown to step down as Assembly Speaker, he refused. Brown stated that until someone else had forty-one votes he was still the Speaker.

Then Brulte held another press conference and accused Brown of bluffing. Brulte announced he would seek the Speaker's post. The Assembly chamber was packed to start the new legislative session. After fourteen years, the Republicans were gloating that Brown's power was about to end. But the celebration proved premature, Brown still had some political leverage.

For a month Brown had talked with Assembly Republicans looking for someone who would bolt the Party. He had to find one Republican dissenter to maintain his power. Finally, on a cold December morning, Speaker Brown struck a deal to retain his power.

Paul Horcher, a dissident Republican, agreed to cross party lines to vote for Brown. Horcher had been on the outs with Republican leaders for four years. As a reward for his defection, Brown named Horcher the vice chairperson of the Assembly Ways and Means Committee. Brulte was furious. In the Assembly, a jubilant Horcher slammed his fist on his desk and hollered: "Brown for Speaker." Once again Brown had pulled off a political coup.

The Assembly was deadlocked 40 to 40 and the Republicans could not elect Brulte as Speaker. There was one more parliamentary move used by the Democratic Party when they forced Assemblyman Richard Mountjoy to resign from his seat. He had been elected to the California Senate in a concurrent special election, and the Democrats would not allow him to hold two legislative seats. So Brown was elected 40 to 39 and retained the Speakership. But his power was on the decline.

For a brief time Brown retained the Speaker's powers. He realized, however, that the end of his state power was near. So Brown made the decision to run for Mayor of San Francisco. It was the term limit law that forced him to leave office. Suddenly, Assembly careers were limited to six years and state senate careers to eight. Although Brown was reelected Speaker in 1995, it lasted only six months. It was time for Brown to seek a new political challenge. The mayor's job in San Francisco was an especially appealing position.

Da Mayor: Willie Brown's Triumphant Return to San Francisco Politics

When Willie Brown announced in June 1994 that he was entering the mayor's race, San Francisco Chronicle columnist Herb Caen remarked that Brown once said he would never become mayor because all you dealt with was "street lights, dog-doo and parking meters." Caen, in his daily column, devoted an entire page to Brown. It was the beginning of a campaign in which Brown defeated the heavily funded incumbent mayor, Frank Jordan, and proved that he was still among California's most powerful politicians.

During the fall of 1995, Brown's campaign was better financed than that of his opponents. He was a savvy politician who understood city politics. Another advantage was that Brown was better known to San Francisco voters than the incumbent, Mayor Frank Jordan. Although he was not involved there were a series of sexual harassment scandals in the police department which cast aspersions upon the Mayor's leadership. Since Jordan had been the San Francisco Police Chief, the media had a field day charging that he might have overlooked sexual harassment. This wasn't true, but Jordan found it difficult to defuse these charges. His wife, Wendy Paskin, also received a great deal of negative newspaper publicity and she was often referred to as "the lady who ran the city."

Frank Jordan was also a poor campaigner. He was a balding man with an unfriendly personality who easily lost his temper and political focus. Jordan appeared ill at ease with the various ethnic groups which made up San Francisco's voting population. His personal style was the good old boy school of politics which emphasized a slap on the back. This out-of-date political approach didn't appeal to San Franciscans.

Because he was a political amateur, Jordan made too many mistakes. He alienated large segments of the community. The Jewish vote was concerned about his civil rights record. The gay vote was a crucial one, and Jordan had trouble supporting gay rights. The African American and Mexican American communities complained about police abuse, and Jordan simply ignored their concerns. Jordan also failed to mend political fences with his rivals.

Roberta Achtenberg, a former member of the San Francisco Board of Supervisors and a lesbian activist, was the candidate for mayor who was most critical of Mayor Jordan. Achtenberg controlled the 20% gay vote, and Jordan was never able to reach an accord with her. Brown needed the gay vote to win the election, so he began to bombard Achtenberg with information on his politics. The result was that the gay community swung its support to Brown. Achtenberg was a formidable candidate who had a serious list of concerns. At the top of her list was regulation of police behavior and a more active community review board. She also lectured the SF Board of Supervisors on the need for spousal benefits for same sex living situations. Jordan didn't seem to understand the gay community but Brown did.

When the San Francisco Chronicle reported Brown's rise in the polls, Mayor Jordan realized that he was in political trouble. So he began attacking Brown's integrity. The strategy was to suggest that Brown was serving too many San Francisco interest groups. Jordan never called Brown a crook, but he implied it.

Clint Reilly, a San Francisco political consultant, was hired to smear Brown. For years, Reilly had been a Brown hater. When Reilly told a national magazine that Brown was a poor role model for African Americans, Brown countered with charges that racism motivated his opponent. The sight of a black man in the Mayor's Office, Brown charged, was more than Reilly could bear. To counter these smears, Brown hired Jack Davis as a political consultant. It was Davis who turned the election around by organized campaign appearances, bringing Brown into neighborhoods to address community needs. The multi-ethnic neighborhoods heard what they wanted from Brown and swung behind his candidacy. Brown was also able to appease big business by promising tax breaks and a friendly business atmosphere.

Another reason for Brown's appeal was that he reeducated himself about San Francisco's needs. Where he was once a prominent figure in restaurants or having a martini with San Francisco Chronicle columnist Herb Caen, Brown was now a fixture at political fund raisers, community dinners and social events.

In North Beach, San Francisco's Italian enclave, Brown could be found playing bocce ball in the afternoons. During the evening, he was often in Chinatown having dinner. This was followed by a group of meetings with downtown business interests at the Fairmont Hotel. By the morning, Brown could be spotted having coffee in the predominantly Irish Catholic Sunset district, followed by another coffee in the Mexican American Mission district. Brown under- stood the fragmented nature of city politics and played to the varied interests.

There were some tense moments during the campaign. The press bothered Brown with their inquires about his personal life. When a reporter for the Washington Post, William Claiborne, asked Brown if he was worried about Mayor Jordan's personal attacks, Brown responded: "I'm not into this bullshit about my integrity."

The media predicted Brown's defeat. Then ten days before the election Mayor Jordan posed nude in a shower with two radio personalities, Mark Thompson and Brian Phelp. The San Francisco Examiner positioned the photo on its front page. With his flabby stomach and silly grin, Jordan turned off voters. His wife, Wendy Paskin, took the blame for this publicity stunt, and it cost Jordan the election. Suddenly, he looked like the village idiot. The newspapers quickly forgot about Brown's alleged lack of integrity and criticized Mayor Jordan's lack of common sense.

When he appeared on a number of radio shows, Brown was asked questions while the host played Bobby Darin's "Splish Splash." Everyone had a good time ridiculing Mayor Jordan while emphasizing his inability to lead the city.

Brown's campaign for mayor was a textbook example of well-organized politics. Armies of supporters walked the streets turning out voters. On November 7, 1995, the voters went to the polls and Brown finished two percentage points ahead of Jordan. But Brown failed to receive 50% of the vote. So a runoff election was scheduled.

In order to win the runoff election Brown had to convince Achtenberg and her supporters to throw their votes to him. She had little choice as Mayor Jordan was never able to deal with the gay community. In the runoff on December 12, 1995, Willie Brown was elected San Francisco's forty-first mayor and became the first African American to lead the city.

Brown vowed to run the city efficiently. He talked at length about good city services, low municipal taxes and a renewed business community. Prosperity and good times were Brown's goals. As San Francisco Chronicle columnist Herb Caen observed: "Da Mayor gets what he wants." Mayor Brown wasn't the only headline grabber. California women were in the fore- front of state politics. The decade of the woman ready to enter the 1990s with new levels of success and achievement was on its way.

Dianne Feinstein: The Decade of Women, Part 11: The 1990s

In 1990, Dianne Feinstein was a nationally known politician. She was no longer considered the ex-Mayor of San Francisco but a voice for liberal Democratic politics as well as a force in the Party. The "Year of the Woman" is how Time magazine described the electoral activity of female candidates. Feinstein's name was prominent in this press coverage. She was the ex- Mayor of San Francisco in search of elective office. When she announced that she hoped to become governor, there was a wave of Democratic euphoria.

An experienced politician, Feinstein realized that she faced a tough task. To further her quest for elected office, she hired two political consultants, Bill Carrick and Hank Morris, to begin organizing her gubernatorial campaign. Although she failed to beat Pete Wilson in the 1990 gubernatorial race, this contest was an important training group for two successful United States Senate elections.

Feinstein's advisers discovered that television was an important political tool. Her political consultants produced a thirty second TV commercial demonstrating how Feinstein took charge of San Francisco in the aftermath of the George Moscone-Harvey Milk killings. This TV ad boosted her popularity, and the Democratic Party prepared a campaign which would elect Feinstein California's governor.

The 1990 California governor's race was a major turning point in Golden State politics. Since California had the sixth largest economy in the world, a history of Democratic legislative controls and a belief in a multi-cultural society, it was assumed that Feinstein was the electoral favorite. But there were changes taking place in the Golden State. Both the economic and Democratic Party organization faltered. Then the illegal immigrant questioned strained the racial tolerance of Californians.

As politicians geared up to seek the governor's job, Feinstein was the only candidate with- out an office. In the primary election she faced Attorney General John Van De Kamp and beat him 52% to 45% for the Democratic gubernatorial, nomination. Clint Reilly, the old Willie Brown hater, was the force behind Feinstein's Demo6ratic primary victory.

However, the disagreements between Feinstein and Reilly doomed her general campaign. Reilly cautioned her to relax and not be so obsessed with detail. Feinstein warned him that a slipshod campaign would result in an embarrassing loss. As they fought, Feinstein's health declined, and she eventually had to undergo major surgery.

Feinstein's general campaign for governor never got off the ground. She was ill with fibroid tumors and put off the surgery her doctors recommended. Reilly urged her to travel the campaign trail a little harder. She was a private person and didn't tell her staff the full extent of her illness. Finally, in July 1990, Feinstein secretly went into the hospital for a hysterectomy. It wasn't until late August that she resumed serious campaigning. By then it was too late. Her campaign organization was in shambles and another chief aide, Hadley Roff, had to go to the hospital for surgery.

Feinstein found Wilson a formidable candidate. His Republican political career was a twenty- five year one, and he was a seasoned campaigner. One of Feinstein's advisers told the San Francisco Chronicle that running against Wilson was like walking on a sidewalk where some- one was throwing marbles at you.

Wilson's television ads suggested that he combined fiscal conservatism with a plan for smaller government. However, Wilson was not a typical conservative Republican; he also sup- ported abortion rights and environmental controls. Wilson was also a shrewd politician who could capitalize on Feinstein's mistakes. When Feinstein suggested hiring quotas for women, Wilson turned her comment into a major campaign issue. Unwittingly, Wilson hit upon a sensitive issue-Californians would not support quotas or Affirmative Action.

Sensing that she was running behind Wilson, Feinstein's political opinions became in- creasingly conservative. While Feinstein was pro-choice on abortion, she did her best not to raise this question. Feinstein never mentioned the large campaign contribution from the California Abortion Rights Action League. As a result, she was able to convince conservative and church oriented voters that she had a responsible attitude on the abortion issue.

When the vote came in for governor in 1990, Feinstein was beaten. On election day Demo- cratic voter registration was down 30,000 and Republican registration had gone up 50,000. The final electoral results were not surprising as the lowest voter turnout in California history brought Wilson into the Governor's Office. What made Wilson's victory a close one was that he had beaten her by 240,000 ballots with six million cast. The 240,000 ballots were absentee ballots which the GOP had concentrated upon and they turned out to be the margin of victory.

A few months after the ill-fated gubernatorial campaign, Feinstein began planning her campaign for the United States Senate. On January 13, 1991, she made formal announcement that she would seek Wilson's Senate seat.

During Feinstein's campaign for the United States Senate, she courted the ethnic vote. The Hispanic, African American and the Asian communities responded to her civil rights oriented campaign. Since Hispanics were conservative on the abortion issue, Feinstein shrewdly took a middle of the road stand. Hispanic men were a problem for Democratic women as the patriarch factor made it difficult for them to cast their vote for females. Feinstein overcame this by calling upon Los Angeles political activist Gloria Molina and a local lawyer lobbyist Tony Zamora. Feinstein was able to win the vote with a strong commitment to better education and jobs.

The Asian vote was a complicated matter. It was a conservative and often Republican mentality. Los Angeles City Councilman Michael Woo was critical of Feinstein for not spending enough time courting southern California Asians. Although she eventually won 52% of the Asian vote, Feinstein never made serious inroads into the community outside of San Francisco. One of the lessons of political change in the 1990s was that Hispanics and Asians warmed slowly to Feinstein's candidacy but eventually did give her their vote in the 1992 Senate election. Like Hispanic voters, Asians had difficulty supporting a woman.

In the 1992 Democratic primary, Feinstein had faced formidable opposition from Gray Davis. He was a young and highly ambitious politician who made his mark as Chief of Staff to Governor Jerry Brown. Initially, Davis was the odds on favorite to win the Democratic Senate nomination because he was closely connected to the party money sources. But what Davis and the Democrats didn't realize was that more than 50% of Golden State voters were female and almost a third of the male vote was sympathetic to Feinstein's candidacy.

In San Francisco, the National Organization for Women took up Feinstein's candidacy but used a low key approach. A NOW campaign tract pointed out that Feinstein had been a strong supporter of the ill-fated Equal Rights Amendment and had appointed more women to San Francisco city government positions than any other mayor. The most applauded Feinstein appointments were those of San Francisco Treasurer Mary Callahan and Supervisor Willie Kennedy.

The 1992 Democratic Senate race brought Feinstein up against John Seymour who had been selected to fill the remainder of Pete Wilson's term. Seymour was a carbon copy of Senator- Wilson. He was an obscure legislator from Orange County who was a staunch conservative with little charisma. His public speeches were poorly delivered, and he was uncomfortable in front of crowds. In ideology and hard line conservative politics, Seymour was a political double of the governor. He was also a former Marine, a hard line conservative on financial matters, a strong opponent of abortion and a staunch anti-immigrant politician. He was also abusive to- ward Feinstein during the early days of the campaign. She maintained her class by not engaging in name calling contests with Seymour. Soon the voters realized that he was too inexperienced a politician for the job.

She easily won the 1992 election against John Seymour and became a United States Senator. But there was only two years left in the term formally occupied by Alan Cranston. So Feinstein began planning to run again in 1994.

Her Republican opponent in the 1994 election, Michael Huffington, provided little opposition, and she ran away with the election. Despite the prospect of an easy electoral victory, Feinstein waged a hard and fair campaign. The name calling and nasty tactics of Governor Wilson made her determined to conduct a campaign based on the issues.

The 1994 United States Senate campaign was a major turning point in California politics. Feinstein was identified as a middle of the road Democrat with a penchant for supporting mainstream feminist issues. Delaine Eastin, a Democratic who was elected California Superintendent of Schools, commented that Feinstein made the "so called women's issues respectable." Nancy Pelosi, San Francisco's Democratic Congresswoman, echoed these sentiments: "The gap of understanding between men and women grows narrower."

California was proud of Dianne Feinstein and Barbara Boxer. Not only were they first rate politicians, but they made history as the first two women to represent their states in the U.S. Senate.

Willie Brown in 1997: The SF Mayor after One Year on the Job

A year after being elected San Francisco's Mayor, Willie Brown had reason to celebrate. He was in the middle of a 525 million dollar election debate over a proposed retail mail and S.F. 49er football stadium, which passed by a narrow margin. He was the picture of the energetic mayor protecting his town's major sports franchise. Everything Brown did was directed toward reviving the city economy and attracting tourists. He held a major press conference when $22,000 lampposts were constructed outside the Moscone Convention Center. One day he rode the city buses with reporters and announced that he was solving the public transit problems. Or at least this was the impression he gave the voters.

Much like his career as Assembly Speaker, Brown was taking quick action. By beautifying San Francisco, providing special tax breaks for the major sports franchises and maintaining good city services, Brown was living out his vision of the city. It was also one designed to maintain his power.

"How a city looks is very much a part of the pride people have in it … Brown remarked. Then he announced a plan to redo Union Square. He ordered extra garbage trucks to clean up downtown's Market Street and he proposed moving the Academy of Sciences and the de Young Museum downtown to allow greater public access. "The city is open to everyone, and we have to make it accessible," Brown quipped.

Brown's critics were aghast at the proposed changes. San Francisco's traditional Society 400 normally make the suggestion and plan such changes. Brown, always the Populist, made it clear that a new brand of Democracy was inundating the city. The look of the city had to be as precise as that of Mayor Brown. He also hoped to explain the cultural horizons for everyone.

This controversy prompted Wilkes Bashford, the San Francisco clothing magnate, to ob- serve: "Willie cares about how things look, whether it's a room, the city or his suit." Other close friends suggested that the environment was just as important to Mayor Brown as a down- town beautification program. "I want the city to look better than Paris," Brown said after re- turning from Paris. He also talked of extensive trade with the Far East and a commitment to business.

In the midst of these successes the San Francisco City garbage workers staged a wildcat strike. They walked off the job in late April, 1997 without notice. Mayor Brown stepped in and negotiated a settlement. The three day strike did little to lower Mayor Brown's image since he negotiated the quick settlement. The Teamsters Local 350 signed the agreement at City Hall where Brown held a press conference. "I'm not looking for credit," Brown said. But Mayor Brown was upset with press reports indicating that he may have ignored, at least for a brief moment, the demands of San Francisco's powerful union movement. But Brown suggested that he was never concerned about the strike.

Yet, Brown remains thin skinned and does not take criticism well. "I've got to be prepared to fight the fights to move the city in my direction," Brown stated. To keep the city in the mainstream of state politics, Brown negotiated a truce with Governor Wilson. By May 1997, public opinion polls placed Mayor Brown as California's most popular political figure. The San Francisco economy, public safety and voter content were higher than anywhere else in the Golden State.

Pete Wilson: The Governor Walks the Line in 1997

In the middle of his second term as Governor, the sixty-four-year old Wilson blamed California's problems on liberals and crime. Although the California economy was in good shape, there were social problems that plagued the state. Welfare spending, illegal immigrants and rising gang violence hampered the Golden State.

As Governor Wilson declined in public opinion polls an issue arose which restored some degree of his former popularity. The University of California Regents, the governing board for the University system, announced that the fairness of Affirmative Action and special admission procedures were in question. So they began studying the admission process and the University of California with more than 120,000 students became the focus of a national struggle. The issue was whether or not to continue a special admission program. As the nation's largest public higher education system, the University of California was a trendsetter. A nasty argument broke out over admissions and the University modified its politics to discount race as an admission criteria. With 40% of the student body admitted for reasons other than pure academic merit, there was criticism from a large segment of the population.

Governor Wilson hoped to use his opposition to Affirmative Action and special admission quotas as a springboard to the Republican presidential nomination.

When the California voters passed Proposition 209 striking down Affirmative Action at the University of California, Governor Wilson was a strong supporter of the measure. After it passed, however, northern California Chief Federal Judge Thelton Henderson, a former civil rights lawyer, blocked its implementation in December 1996. Judge Henderson ruled that Proposition 209 violated the 14th amendment and banned its enforcement.

In April, 1997 the Ninth U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that Proposition 209 was legal. The Ninth Circuit Court cited the almost five million people who approved the so-called California Civil Rights Initiative as a voice for a more democratic future. Attorney General Dan Lundgren jumped on the anti-Affirmative Action bandwagon and praised the decision. Not surprisingly, Lundgren was a major candidate for the Republican gubernatorial nomination. The issue of where Affirmative Action fits into the fabric of California society is one which is still being debated. Civil rights lawyers are challenging the implementation of the law.

In 1996, Governor Wilson was unable to interest the Republican Party in his presidential candidacy. He suffered a major setback when his ex-wife admitted that they had hired an illegal alien as a housekeeper. They hadn't paid her social security tax and the media had a field day criticizing the governor. In an indignant statement to the press, Governor Wilson defended his actions. It was Wilson's advocacy of gay rights, his lukewarm support for abortion rights and his call for a ban on assault weapons which estranged him from the Republican party mainstream. He was simply too California for traditional Republicans

Robert Gunnison, a San Francisco Chronicle reporter, suggested in February 1997 that Governor Wilson's image was at its low point. A Field Poll supported this observation as Wilson received a 51% unfavorable rating which was the lowest in his career. The reaction was due to Wilson's propensity for immigrant bashing and ethnic insensitivity. Surprisingly, Californians rated Wilson's job performance satisfactorily.

Governor Wilson's plan to cut welfare programs remained popular despite the reaction against his politics. His new program outlined by the Governor was designed to reduce 600,000 families from welfare roles by 2000. By setting limits for adults receiving welfare, Wilson argued, and forcing the able bodied to work, there would be a dramatic reduction in welfare spending. The California Legislature didn't agree with the Governor and the issue turned in a nasty partisan, political debate. Elizabeth Hill, California's legislative analyst, was critical of Wilson's welfare proposal, and she called the work incentive program a "poor compromise." Hill's criticism centered around the notion that workers could keep only fifty-four cents of every dollar earned while on welfare. She believed that this reduced the incentive to work. As California cruises toward the year 2000 the arguments over welfare reform will escalate. It will continue to be one of the issues in the Golden State.

Dianne Feinstein: The United States Senator in 1997

By late 1990s, Senator Dianne Feinstein occupied a prominent place in the United States Senate. She was an important member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and remained a strong voice for women's rights. Her membership on the foreign policy body brought her into a position where she helped to bring Chinese and general Far Eastern business to California. In San Francisco, there was a great deal of appreciation for Feinstein's ability to cut through the federal red tape to make trade with China easier.

One of the negatives to Feinstein's economic bridge to the Far East was an FBI report that the Chinese were donating large sums of money to members of the United States Senate. In a series of sensationalized newspaper articles, a number of major newspapers speculated on whether or not Feinstein accepted illegal campaign contributions. The source for this story was an FBI report which revealed that Feinstein had been warned about illegal campaign contributions. She had turned down $12,000 from the Lippo Group, an Indonesian banking firm and real estate corporation with ties to the Chinese Government. She was never part of this developing scandal but she demonstrated her political integrity by turning down any suspicious campaign contributions. Feinstein also demonstrated excellent self control by not publicly condemning the FBI for its leak.

On a more positive note, by March 1997, as the fallout over President Bill Clinton's fundraising activity dominated the press, Feinstein continued to bring in large sums of federal money to modernize the port of San Francisco, extend the Bay Area Transit System and provide assistance to Los Angeles and San Diego city government in modernizing their transportation systems. Feinstein was the consummate politician who understood the need to continue growth and progress in the Golden State.

As a United States Senator in the 1990s, Feinstein demonstrated excellent work habits, independence from any political faction and the skills necessary to represent Californians. She had spent thirty years in politics but standing on the Senate floor in November 1992 she summed up her feelings: "I wish my father could have seen this … my father would have been proud. My uncle would have been proud." Californians felt the same way about Senator Feinstein and demonstrated it by making her California's most popular federal politician.

Judge Richard 0. Keller: A Jurist for the 1990s

Law and order remains one of the most visible issues of the 1990s. Since the Rodney King incident in Los Angeles there has been a renewed interest in the court system. The O.J. Simpson trial focused attention on the role of the trial judge and Lance Ito received an inordinate amount of criticism. The Republican party has suggested that the governor appoint judges with an even handed, but firm, approach to law and order. The stability of California society depends upon seasoned judges.

As a result of the intensified public interest in the legal system, one of Governor Pete Wilson's most important mandates was to appoint skilled Municipal Court Judges to handle local legal problem. The governor is able to shape the direction of the court by appointing judges with a philosophy similar to his law and order mandates.

The role of the Municipal Court Judge is one where the presiding judge deals with a wide variety of cases. Former California Supreme court Justice Stanley Mosk reminisced that the Municipal Court was responsible for maintaining the precarious balance of local justice. "I believe that the toughest appointment a governor has to make is that of the Municipal Court Judge," Mosk remarked.

As a result of the intensified public interest in the legal system, one of Governor Pete Wilson's most important mandates was to appoint skilled Municipal Court Judges to handle local legal problem. The governor is able to shape the direction of the court by appointing judges with a philosophy similar to his law and order mandates.

The role of the Municipal Court Judge is one where the presiding judge deals with a wide variety of cases. Former California Supreme court Justice Stanley Mosk reminisced that the Municipal Court was responsible for maintaining the precarious balance of local justice. "I believe that the toughest appointment a governor has to make is that of the Municipal Court Judge," Mosk remarked.

The road to this Court is a complicated and politically involved one. The candidate for a judgeship must obtain a wide range of legal and personal recommendations, informally cam- paign for the court appointment and meet with various representatives of the governor. His or her qualifications are reviewed by various members of the bar. There is also a Judicial Nominee Evaluation Commission of the state bar which by statute reviews all judicial applicants. So by the time a judge is appointed, he or she has gone through a long and tedious process.

Governor Pete Wilson once remarked that Municipal Court Judges are his most difficult appointments, because there so many qualified lawyers. What Wilson failed to add was that most of these lawyers worked diligently for his election. So there is a chance of political fallout every time the governor appoints a judge. Governor Wilson has often remarked that these judges are the heart and soul of the judicial system. Before a Judge is appointed, Governor Wilson's staff makes sure that the candidate makes his or her opinions known on a wide variety of topics usually including civil liberties, abortion and the death penalty.

When Richard Keller appeared before John Davies, the judicial appointments secretary for Governor Wilson, he underwent an hour interview on his legal views. In a very cordial, but pointed, meeting, Davies asked Keller for his opinions on a wide variety of subjects. The ques- tions were ones in which the governor had a philosophical interest. Keller's answers were ones which the governor found acceptable and he was appointed to the Municipal Court.

Once Judge Keller was appointed, he began to establish a solid record. Most Municipal Court Judges are appointed to fill out the term of a Judge who is moving to another court or who is retiring. As a result, Keller filled out the term of Judge Joseph Jay who retired. Under California law, Keller was required to stand for election at the end of Judge Jay's normal term.

Judge Keller's route to the Fremont-Newark-Union City Municipal Court followed a long and varied legal career. The road to a California judicial appointment invariably begins with the candidates education. It was during Keller's undergraduate education that he became interested in government and politics. As an undergraduate political science major at Emory University, he spent four years as a top flight student with an option for graduate or law school. Keller selected the law.

After graduating from Emory University Law School in Atlanta Georgia in 1967, Judge Keller entered the United States Air Force where he was a Captain and Judge Advocate. After his discharge in 1972 he began a distinguished legal career which led in 1981 to the opening of his own firm, the Law Offices of Richard 0. Keller in Fremont, California. He developed a wide range of specialties with Real Property, Business and Corporate Law, Family Law, Probate and Estate Planning occupying his time. This was the perfect law practice to train a Municipal Judge.

Jim Snell, a partner in Broun, Norris, King, Grasskamp and Snell, hired Keller after his discharge from the Air Force. He found him not only to be an outstanding lawyer but a bastion of community service. Snell remarked: "For more than two decades Judge Keller was a respected lawyer with a wide variety of legal specialties. I have confidence that he will be an extraordinarily competent Judge." This opinion was echoed by a large number of lawyers in Southern Alameda County.

The variety of legal problems handled by Judge Keller's law office was excellent training for a court appointment, but his courteous and professional courtroom demeanor also attracted attention. As a result of his work, Judge Keller drew the attention of local Republican politicians and a number of other Judges. In time he was recommended for appointment as an Alameda County Municipal Court Judge. But this appointment was also due to his splendid record of community service.

The fifteen years that Judge Keller spent developing his own law practice was sprinkled with public service. He was elected to the Governing Board of the Fremont-Newark Community College District in 1976 and remained in this position until his appointment to the bench.

One of the reasons that Judge Keller was appointed as a Municipal Court judge was his long history of service to the local community. He was active in the Washington Township Bar Association as an officer and member, and he was a Judge Pro-Tem in the Municipal Court.

The Judge Pro-Tem is a temporary position where an attorney is appointed by the presiding judge to hear cases on a limited basis. This helps to relieve court congestion. He was also active in many local service organization. Keller was generous with his time to the community. Governor Wilson recognized his two decades of local involvement with the court position.

Judge Keller's Judicial appointment capped a long and distinguished legal career. He has shown an even handed judicial personality in handling a wide variety of legal issues. As a result, Judge Keller is well respected by all the attorneys who appear before him. Judge Keller typifies the Municipal Court judge, he is dedicated to fairness and serving the best interests of the local community.

Bibliographical Essay

For Willie Brown's career see, James Richardson, Willie Brown: A Biography (Berkeley, 1996). On Brown's miraculous retention of the Speaker's position see, John Jacobs, "The Two Secrets That Helped Willie Win," Sacramento Bee, Forum Section, February 8, 1995. Also see Richard Edward DeLeon, Left Coast City: Politics in Son Francisco, 1975-199 (Lawrence, 1992) and Chester Hartman, The Transformation ofsan Francisco (Totawa, New Jersey, 1984). For the role of Mayor Dianne Feinstein see, Jerry Roberts, Dianne Feinstein: Never Let Them See You Cry (New York, 1994); Carol Pogash, "Mayor Feinstein's Twelve Rules for Getting Ahead," Working Woman (January, 1986), pp. 84-85 and Susan Ware, American Women (Belmont, 1989).

On Feinstein's electoral strategy see, Celia Morris, Storming The Statehouse: Runningfor Governor with Ann Richards and Dianne Feinstein (New York, 1992). The best sources ftom the contemporary press on Feinstein are Sidney Blumenthal, "A Woman of Independent Means," The New Republic, August 13, 1990 and Garry Wills, "Guv Lite!" California, November 1990. Also see, "Campaign '90: A Look Back At The California Governor's Race," Institute of Governmental Studies, University of California, Berkeley, January 18-19, 1991. On the Feinstein campaign fund allegations and the FBI role see, Bob Woodward and Brian Duffy, "Donors Targeted Feinstein," San Jose Mercury News, March 9, 1997, pp. 1, 24A.

For biographical information on Willie Brown, Pete Wilson and Dianne Feinstein see, Dan Walter, editor, California Political Almanac, 1989-1990 Edition (Santa Barbara, 1990).

An excellent biography of a close Willie Brown friend is John Jacobs, 4 Rage of Justice: The Passion and Politics of Philip Burton (Berkeley, 1995). On gay rights and politics see Randy Shilts, The Mayor of Castro Street: The Life and Times of Harvey Milk- (New York, 1982) and Randy Shilts, And The Band Played On: Politics, People and the AIDS Epidemic (New York, 1987).

For California politics see Terry Christensen and Larry N. Gerston, Politics In The Golden State: The California Connection (Boston, 1988).

On Willie Brown's election as San Francisco Mayor see, John King, "King of the Hill," San Francisco Chronicle, February 13, 1997, p. 17A, 20A. For Governor Wilson's decline in public support see, Robert E. Gunnison, "Wilson's Image Takes Clobbering in New State Poll," San Francisco Chronicle, February 20, 1997, pp. 13, 21A.

On Pete Wilson see Howard Fineman, "Riding The Wave," Newsweek-, May 22, 1995, pp. 19-21; Howard Fineman, "The Rollback Begins," Newsweek-, July 31, 1995, p. 30 and Jon

Meacham and Andrew Murr, "Undecided: Will California's Lead Dog Run?" Newsweek, March 6, 1995, p. 29 and Jordan Bonfante, "Campaign 96: New York or Bust," Time, September 25, 1995, pp. 31-32.

For Senator Barbara Boxer see Barbara and Nicole Boxer, Strangers in the Senate: Politics and The Revolution of Women in 4merica (Washington D.C., 1994).

On the settlement of the San Francisco garbage strike see, Ray Delgado, "Mixed Feelings on Garbage Contract," San Francisco Examiner, April 27, 1997, pp. Al, AI S and Rob Morse, "Garbage In, Garbage Out," San Francisco Examiner, April 27, 1997, p. A2.

(Copyrighted: This chapter is used with permission from the author Dr. Howard Dewitt. The California Dream, "Pete Wilson: A Republican for the 1990s and the Roller Coaster Ride to Conservatism", Kendall/Hunt Publishing Company, 1997.)